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Chapter 15 - Chapter 15: Choosing the Battlefield

1921, November 9th, Wednesday.

The morning of November ninth dawned heavy with unspoken possibilities. The "Ledger of Lies," the damning photographic copies of the Port Authority's secret accounts, lay locked in Sultan Murad VII's private safe, a cache of political dynamite awaiting a spark. The previous evening's initial examination had confirmed their explosive potential. Today, the battlefield upon which this new weapon would be deployed had to be chosen with utmost care.

Murad had summoned his core council to his study before the city outside had fully shaken off its morning slumber: Grand Vizier Tevfik Pasha, the cautious elder statesman; Cavit Bey, the fiercely intellectual Minister of Finance; Reşid Akif Pasha, the seasoned diplomat and Foreign Minister; and Kolağası Esad Bey, the quiet, intense chief of the fledgling Imperial Guard Intelligence Directorate. The atmosphere was thick with anticipation.

"Gentlemen," Murad began, his youthful face composed but his eyes betraying the immense pressure he felt, "Esad Bey's operation has provided us with precisely the leverage we hoped for regarding the Constantinople Port Authority. Cavit Bey, you have had a few more hours with the initial prints. What is your detailed assessment? How strong is our case?"

Cavit Bey, his usually sharp features alight with a grim fire, stepped forward with a meticulously organized summary. "Your Imperial Majesty, Your Highnesses, the evidence is overwhelming. It is, frankly, more damning than I could have imagined. These are not mere accounting errors or minor peculations. This is systematic, large-scale fraud and embezzlement, implicating senior Allied officials on the Port Commission, their appointed local deputies, and a network of phantom companies clearly set up for money laundering." He laid out specific examples: records of exorbitant fees paid for non-existent services, contracts for essential supplies awarded at vastly inflated prices to firms owned by relatives or associates of Allied commission members, valuable cargoes (identified by manifest numbers also copied by Arif Efendi) passing through customs with no duties recorded, and direct payments made from Port revenues into private European bank accounts. "We have names, dates, specific transaction amounts, even scribbled internal notes authorizing these illicit diversions," Cavit concluded, his voice trembling slightly with indignation. "The total sum diverted from the Ottoman Treasury over the past six months alone, based on these sixty pages, likely runs into several hundred thousand gold Lira – enough to have paid our entire civil service for a month, or to have properly equipped several army regiments."

A stunned silence followed. Even Tevfik Pasha, a man who had seen decades of imperial decay, looked aghast. Reşid Akif Pasha slowly shook his head, the diplomatic implications clearly weighing on him. "And the authenticity?" Murad pressed Cavit. "Can they easily discredit these as forgeries?" "Arif Efendi also managed to photograph the official watermarks and ledger binding details, Your Majesty," Esad Bey interjected quietly. "And some of the internal authorizing signatures are from known Allied officials. While they will undoubtedly claim forgery, proving it conclusively against meticulously prepared copies, especially if supported by Arif Efendi's direct testimony (should it ever become necessary and safe to use), would be very difficult for them."

"So, the weapon is potent," Murad mused. "Now, how do we wield it? Cavit Bey, your initial thoughts were for aggressive public exposure." "Indeed, Your Majesty!" Cavit urged. "We should prepare a comprehensive dossier. Leak it simultaneously to truly independent newspapers in London, Paris, Rome – even Washington. There are journalists who would seize upon such a scandal, especially if it implicates their own officials in colonial exploitation. The public outcry in their own countries could force their governments to rein in the High Commissions here, perhaps even to agree to a genuinely reformed Port administration to salvage their reputations."

Reşid Akif Pasha, the Foreign Minister, countered immediately. "Your Majesty, with all due respect to Cavit Bey's righteous anger, such a direct, public attack is fraught with extreme peril. The Allied governments would unite to protect their officials and their interests. They would undoubtedly accuse us of a malicious smear campaign. The result could be a complete diplomatic rupture, an even tighter economic blockade, perhaps even the direct military intervention General Harington hinted at. We are not strong enough to withstand their full, united wrath." "So we do nothing, Reşid Akif Pasha?" Cavit challenged. "We allow them to continue robbing us blind because we fear their anger?" "Not nothing, Cavit Bey," Reşid Akif replied calmly. "But perhaps a more… nuanced approach. We could, for instance, present this evidence privately, through diplomatic channels, to one of the Allied powers – perhaps the French or Italians, who often chafe under British dominance here – implying that their British colleagues are the primary beneficiaries of this corruption. It might sow discord amongst them, allow us to negotiate from a position of quiet leverage with one party against another."

Tevfik Pasha, the Grand Vizier, listened to both, then offered his counsel. "Your Majesty, both approaches have merit and significant risks. Public exposure is a powerful weapon but could detonate in our own hands. Using it to divide the Allies is a subtle game, but one where they have more experience than we. Perhaps there is a middle path. We could prepare the dossier, as Cavit Bey suggests. Then, Reşid Akif Pasha could request another meeting with the Allied High Commissioners, perhaps individually this time. He could state that new, disturbing information regarding irregularities at the Port has come into our possession, information so serious that it threatens to become a major public scandal unless urgently and satisfactorily addressed by the High Commissions themselves through a genuine, transparent internal reform of the Port Authority, with full Ottoman participation. We do not immediately show them all our cards, but we let them know we have them. We give them a chance to clean their own house, under our observation, before we are 'forced' to consider other avenues to protect our national interest."

Murad absorbed these different perspectives. The direct leak was tempting in its boldness but carried the highest risk of immediate, overwhelming retaliation. Dividing the Allies was a classic tactic but hard to achieve when their core interests in maintaining control were aligned. Tevfik Pasha's suggestion of a veiled threat, a chance for the Allies to save face while still achieving Ottoman objectives, had the hallmarks of a seasoned statesman's pragmatism. "Esad Bey," Murad asked, "from your perspective, if we were to choose a path of discreet leverage, how long could we maintain the secrecy of our possession of these documents, especially if the Allies begin a serious internal investigation at the Port to find the source of any potential leak?" "Difficult to say, Your Majesty," Esad replied. "Arif Efendi is our only known direct link. His disappearance will eventually be noted. The Allies have extensive informant networks. If they suspect a serious breach, their counter-intelligence efforts will be formidable. We might have weeks, perhaps only days, before they realize the extent of what we possess, especially if we begin to act on it diplomatically, however subtly."

Murad rose and walked to the window, looking out at the grey Bosphorus. The fate of his Empire, it seemed, was to be a constant navigation between Scylla and Charybdis. "We will adopt a modified version of Tevfik Pasha's approach," he announced finally, turning back to his council. "Cavit Bey, you will prepare two dossiers. The first, a comprehensive and utterly irrefutable presentation of the corruption, with all supporting evidence, suitable for our own records and, if necessary, for future public disclosure. The second, a more concise summary, highlighting the most egregious examples but not revealing all names or the full extent of our knowledge – enough to demonstrate we have damning proof, but leaving some ambiguity about how much more we might know." "Reşid Akif Pasha," he continued, "you will indeed request separate, urgent meetings with each of the three High Commissioners. You will express our grave concern over 'newly discovered evidence of serious financial irregularities' at the Port Authority that threaten its integrity and Ottoman interests. You will present them only with the concise summary. You will state that His Imperial Majesty's government believes these irregularities must be rectified immediately and transparently by the High Commissions themselves, with full Ottoman partnership in a reformed Port administration, to prevent a wider scandal that could damage Allied prestige. You will give them a very short deadline – say, one week – to propose concrete, satisfactory reforms. Imply that if they fail to act decisively, the Ottoman government will be 'morally obligated' to take further steps to protect its interests and expose wrongdoing, though you will not specify those steps."

"This approach, Your Majesty," Tevfik Pasha observed, "gives them an opportunity to act, but under our pressure. It also preserves the option of a wider disclosure if they refuse." "Precisely," Murad said. "It is a test of their willingness to engage rationally when confronted with their own malfeasance. If they choose to stonewall or threaten further, then Cavit Bey's more aggressive options will come back into play. Esad Bey, your primary task now, apart from ensuring Arif Efendi's continued safety, is to use your nascent network to gauge the internal Allied reaction to Reşid Akif's démarche. I want to know who is panicking, who is advocating for a cover-up, who might be willing to sacrifice scapegoats."

The plan was set. It was still immensely risky, but it offered a degree of control and escalation that Murad found more palatable than immediate, all-out confrontation or overly subtle maneuvering that might yield no results.

The remainder of the day saw other pressing matters. Tevfik Pasha reported that the intervention on bread prices was having a positive effect in the poorer districts, with subsidized grain distribution beginning under the watchful eyes of Fevzi Pasha's soldiers. Public gratitude was palpable, a small but significant boost to the new government's standing. Fevzi Pasha himself brought news that the first fifty recruits for the Hassa Ordusu had arrived at the secluded training camp in the Belgrade Forest. "They are a mixed lot, Your Majesty," he said, "veterans from many fronts, some still bearing the scars of old wounds, but there is a fire in their eyes. They know this is perhaps the last chance for the Empire. Their training in modern infantry tactics, covert operations, and absolute loyalty to your person has begun under instructors I trust with my life." He also mentioned the need for more winter uniforms and better rations, which Cavit Bey grimly promised to find funds for.

Sheikh-ul-Islam Nuri Efendi confirmed that his sermon for the upcoming Friday Jumu'ah was prepared. It would focus on the Quranic condemnations of theft, corruption, and the exploitation of the vulnerable, and the sacred duty of rulers to uphold justice and integrity in all financial dealings of the state. The message, though general, would resonate powerfully in the current context.

As evening fell, Esad Bey returned with a brief but crucial update. "Your Majesty, Arif Efendi and his family – a wife and two young children – were successfully relocated last night from their modest home in Kumkapı to a secure safe house, a small farmstead loyal to one of my operatives, well outside the city near Gebze. They are frightened but safe. He sends his humble duty and prayers for your success." Esad also confirmed that the Port Authority was abuzz with rumors of a serious security review, though as yet, there was no indication that Arif's specific actions had been discovered. The net, however, was clearly tightening.

Murad felt a measure of relief for Arif's safety. The man had risked everything. The "Ledger of Lies" was not just a collection of documents; it was a testament to one ordinary man's courage. The battlefield had been chosen. The first diplomatic shots, armed with the threat of exposure, would be fired tomorrow. Murad knew that the response from the Allied lions would determine the next phase of this desperate struggle for his Empire's survival.

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