1921, November 11th, Friday.
The city of Constantinople awoke on Friday, November eleventh, to the familiar sounds of a metropolis stirring to life, but beneath the surface of routine, a current of anticipation flowed. It was Jumu'ah, the day of communal prayer, and word had subtly spread through the teahouses, bazaars, and mosques that the Sheikh-ul-Islam, Nuri Efendi, recently appointed by the young Sultan's new government, would be delivering a significant khutbah. In a city living under foreign occupation, where every public utterance was scrutinized, the spiritual guidance offered from the minbar could be as potent as any political decree.
Sultan Murad VII had reviewed the essence of Nuri Efendi's planned sermon with him and Grand Vizier Tevfik Pasha the previous evening. It was a masterpiece of Islamic scholarship and subtle but powerful contemporary relevance. It would not directly attack the Allied Powers – that would be too crude, too provocative. Instead, it would focus on core Quranic principles: the absolute imperative of justice (al-'adl) in governance, the sacred duty of rulers to protect the welfare (maslaha) of their people, the stern condemnation of corruption (fasad), theft (sariqa), and the exploitation of the vulnerable, and the obligation of every Muslim to uphold truth and integrity. The unspoken application to the current state of affairs, particularly the simmering outrage over the Port Authority's perceived exploitation, would be inescapable.
This time, Nuri Efendi chose to deliver his khutbah at the magnificent Fatih Mosque, deep within the heart of the old city, a place historically associated with Ottoman learning and piety, and one that drew a vast congregation from all walks of life – artisans, merchants, laborers, students, and Ulema alike. Murad himself did not attend this particular service, choosing instead to allow his Sheikh-ul-Islam to be the sole focus, thereby emphasizing the spiritual rather than overtly political nature of the message. His attendance at Hagia Sophia the previous week had already made its statement; now, it was time for the voice of religious scholarship to resonate.
The Fatih Mosque was filled to overflowing. Nuri Efendi, a man whose quiet dignity and profound learning commanded immense respect, ascended the minbar. His voice, though not loud, was imbued with a sincerity that captivated the thousands gathered. He spoke of the early Caliphs, of their humility, their commitment to justice, their fear of Allah in administering the affairs of the Ummah. He quoted Quranic verses and Hadith that condemned those who unjustly consumed the wealth of others, those who betrayed trusts, those who oppressed the weak. "Oh believers!" Nuri Efendi declared, his voice resonating through the ancient prayer hall, "Know that Allah is watching all that you do, all that is done in your name, all that affects your lives and the sustenance of your families. He commands us to stand firm for justice, even if it be against ourselves, our kin, or the powerful. A ruler who fears Allah fears not the blame of any blamer in upholding the divine law. And a people who condone or remain silent in the face of injustice and corruption invite the displeasure of the Almighty." He spoke of the sanctity of public property, the 'trust' (amana) that was the state treasury, meant for the welfare of all Muslims, not for the enrichment of a favored few or the plundering by outsiders. "Any hand that unlawfully takes from this trust," he warned, his voice solemn, "is a hand that steals from every orphan, every widow, every needy soul in our community. And on the Day of Judgment, such betrayals will face a terrible reckoning." The sermon was a clarion call for moral renewal, for a return to the foundational ethics of Islam in public life. The congregation listened with rapt attention, many moved to tears. When Nuri Efendi concluded with a prayer for the guidance of the Caliph, the strength of the Ummah, and the restoration of justice and prosperity to their lands, a fervent "Amin!" echoed through the mosque.
News of the sermon spread through Constantinople like wildfire. Hafız Bey reported to Murad later that day, "Your Majesty, the khutbah at Fatih Mosque has electrified the city. People are openly discussing it in the streets, in the coffee houses. They see it as a direct endorsement by the religious leadership of your government's stance against corruption. It has given them hope, a sense of moral clarity. Even those who were initially wary of your dismissal of Damat Ferid Pasha are beginning to see the righteousness of your actions." Kolağası Esad Bey, head of the Imperial Guard Intelligence, added his own vital supplement. "My operatives confirm your assessment, Hafız Bey. But they also noted a significant presence of Allied intelligence personnel, both uniformed and plain-clothed, at Fatih Mosque and several other major mosques today. They were meticulously noting the reactions of the crowds and, undoubtedly, the content of Sheikh-ul-Islam Nuri Efendi's address. The French and British, in particular, seemed to have their translators working diligently." Murad nodded. "Let them listen. Let them understand that our fight is not just political, but moral and spiritual. It is a front they cannot easily counter with bayonets or gunboats."
The "waiting game" with the Allied High Commissions continued. Reşid Akif Pasha reported a studied, almost unnerving, silence from their quarters. There had been no formal reply to his démarche of the previous day, no further summons. "It is as if they have retreated to their dens to confer, Your Majesty," the Foreign Minister observed. "They are clearly taking our one-week deadline seriously, but they are giving no hint of their intentions. This silence itself is a form of pressure." "It also gives us time to prepare, Reşid Akif Pasha," Murad replied. "Cavit Bey, what progress on the full dossier?" The Minister of Finance, who seemed to be fueled by an inexhaustible supply of righteous indignation and black coffee, presented a near-complete file. "Your Majesty, the full 'Ledger of Lies,' as you aptly named it, is ready. It is a comprehensive indictment, meticulously cross-referenced, with photographic evidence of every illicit transaction Arif Efendi managed to copy, alongside supporting documentation my team has unearthed from our own neglected archives. We have even identified the likely European bank accounts into which some of the larger sums were diverted." He paused, then added with a grim satisfaction, "And, Your Majesty, we have found what appears to be a recurring pattern of payments to a holding company with discreet but traceable links to a very prominent international trading corporation, one known to have… significant political influence in London." Murad's eyes glinted. "That, Cavit Bey, is a particularly potent poisoned dart. Keep it in reserve. Its targeted use could be… decisive, if an open conflict becomes unavoidable."
The news from Ferik Fevzi Pasha, Minister of War, was more sobering. "Your Majesty, the Allied surveillance on all known Ottoman military installations and suspected arms depots has intensified to an almost suffocating degree. My men report constant, overt patrols, aerial observation by their reconnaissance aircraft, and a significant increase in their informant activity around our barracks. A planned, discreet acquisition of a small shipment of Mauser rifles and ammunition from a… 'private contractor' in a Black Sea port had to be aborted last night at the last minute due to a surprise Allied naval patrol appearing in the area. We were lucky to avoid discovery." "This is a serious setback, Fevzi Pasha," Murad said, his brow furrowed. "The Hassa Ordusu cannot be trained with sticks and stones. And any attempt to challenge the Allies, even diplomatically, is hollow if we have no credible force of our own, however small, to ensure our own government's security." "I am exploring… unconventional alternatives, Your Majesty," Fevzi said, his expression grim. "Older caches, perhaps even attempting to reactivate some of the derelict small arms workshops within the city under extreme secrecy. But it will be slow, and very risky." "The risk is acknowledged, Fevzi Pasha," Murad stated. "But the need is paramount. Do what you must. Esad Bey's directorate will provide whatever counter-surveillance and security support they can for your operations."
Esad Bey himself reported later that the Allied internal investigation at the Port Authority was proceeding with frantic urgency. "They have questioned dozens of employees, Your Majesty. Arif Efendi's name has undoubtedly come up, as he was one of the few with access to the specific ledgers in question and whose absence would now be conspicuous. My men have ensured his family remains secure and untraceable, but the hunt for him personally will be intense. We must consider the possibility of eventually extracting him and his family from Ottoman territory altogether, perhaps to a neutral country, if the pressure becomes too great." "A necessary contingency, Esad Bey," Murad agreed. "His life, and the lives of his family, are our responsibility. What of the disagreements between the High Commissioners you mentioned?" "My sources suggest the French, and to a lesser extent the Italians, are indeed privately urging General Harington to consider some form of compromise or a scapegoating strategy regarding the Port corruption, to avoid a public scandal that could tarnish all Allied administrations. Harington, however, remains adamant, viewing any concession as a sign of weakness that your government would exploit further. He is said to be advocating for a very hard line when the week is up."
The day ended, Day Two of the seven-day ultimatum. The sermon had been delivered, its echoes reverberating through the city, bolstering public morale and subtly challenging Allied legitimacy. The sword of the dossier was being sharpened by Cavit Bey. But the sword of Ottoman military revival was proving difficult to forge under the dragon's very eyes. Murad spent the evening in deep consultation with Tevfik Pasha. They discussed various scenarios for the end of the week: What if the Allies offered nothing? What if they offered token, meaningless reforms? What if they escalated their threats, or even acted upon them? "If they offer nothing, or insults disguised as concessions," Murad said, his voice cold, "then we must be prepared to use Cavit Bey's full dossier. Reşid Akif Pasha will deliver a final note to them, stating their response is unacceptable, and that we now feel obligated to bring the evidence of corruption to the attention of the wider world. And then, Esad Bey will ensure the dossier reaches the designated press contacts." "And the consequences, Your Majesty?" Tevfik asked, his voice heavy. "The consequences," Murad replied, his young face hard in the lamplight, "will be whatever they will be. But we will have chosen our own ground, fought with the weapons of truth and justice. Better to go down fighting for what is right than to perish slowly in the chains of subservience. The sermon has shown our people's yearning for justice. Now we must show we have the courage to wield the sword to achieve it, if all else fails." The path ahead was fraught with peril. The next five days would feel like an eternity.