1921, November 21st, Monday.
The dawn of Monday, November twenty-first, brought with it no respite from the oppressive tension that had gripped Constantinople for days. Sultan Murad VII's government had successfully weathered the initial fury of the Allied High Commissions following the rejection of their ultimatum and the subsequent international leaking of the "Ledger of Lies." Now, after a Sunday of strained negotiations where the Ottomans had pushed back against a token Allied offer for Port Authority reform, the city awaited the Entente's next move. The international scandal surrounding the Port corruption was growing, and the cracks in Allied unity and arrogance, however slight, were beginning to show.
Murad convened his core council – Tevfik Pasha, Reşid Akif Pasha, Cavit Bey, Fevzi Pasha, and Kolağası Esad Bey – early in his study at Yıldız Palace. The agenda was singular: to anticipate and prepare for the Allies' response to the Ottoman counter-proposals demanding genuine co-management of the Port, an independent audit, and restitution. "They are wounded, gentlemen," Murad stated, his gaze sweeping over his ministers. "Their prestige has been damaged on the world stage. Their home governments are facing uncomfortable questions. General Harington may still wish for confrontation, but Pellé and Garroni, and indeed Harington's own superiors in London, will be pressing for a resolution that contains this scandal. They will likely come back to the table today, perhaps with a slightly improved offer. Our task is to ensure it is a substantially improved one."
Kolağası Esad Bey's intelligence report underscored the shifting international dynamics. "Your Imperial Majesty," he began, "the news from European capitals is indeed intensifying. The Times of London ran a surprisingly critical editorial this morning, questioning the 'transparency and accountability' of certain Allied administrative bodies in occupied territories, specifically mentioning Constantinople. Several more Members of Parliament have pledged to demand a full government statement. In Paris, the Socialist deputies have formally tabled their interpellation regarding Monsieur Dubois and the Port irregularities for debate tomorrow; the French government is scrambling to prepare a defense. Even in Rome, several newspapers are now openly critical of what they term 'Anglo-French mismanagement' in Constantinople, with Marquis Garroni being praised by some for his 'conciliatory diplomacy.'" "So, the pressure mounts," Tevfik Pasha observed. "Garroni is clearly positioning himself, and Italy, favorably. Pellé will be desperate to avoid further French embarrassment, especially over Dubois. Harington… Harington will be like a caged lion, furious but perhaps constrained by his leash from London."
As anticipated, a summons arrived mid-morning. This time, it was a request from General Pellé and Marquis Garroni for Reşid Akif Pasha to meet them at the French High Commission, without General Harington initially present. "Interesting," Murad mused. "They seek to negotiate separately from the British firebrand? Or perhaps to present a 'united' Franco-Italian front that Harington can later be persuaded, or ordered, to accede to. Proceed, Reşid Akif Pasha. Hear what they have to offer. Be firm on our core demands, but explore any genuine openings for a just settlement."
Reşid Akif Pasha's meeting with Pellé and Garroni was, as he recounted to Murad and Tevfik later, a masterclass in strained diplomacy. "General Pellé was a changed man, Your Majesty," Reşid Akif reported. "Gone was the haughty disdain. He was… concerned, almost agitated. He spoke at length about the 'unfortunate misunderstandings' and the 'damage to Allied prestige' caused by these 'unproven allegations,' while simultaneously assuring me of France's commitment to 'probity and administrative rectitude.' He then, after much prevarication, presented a revised proposal, which Marquis Garroni eagerly endorsed." The new Franco-Italian proposal offered:
1. The suspension of five Allied officials from the Port Commission (two British, two French – including the one named in Le Cri du Peuple – and one Italian junior official), pending an "internal Allied inquiry."
2. The appointment of two Ottoman "Deputy Directors" to the Port Authority, with advisory roles and access to current financial records, but no voting power on the main Commission board.
3. A commitment to a "phased review" of revenue sharing, with a possible small increase in the Ottoman portion after six months, contingent on "restored stability and cooperation."
4. A vague promise to "address any proven past discrepancies" once their own internal inquiry was complete. It was an improvement on their first insulting offer, but still fell far short of genuine Ottoman demands. There was no mention of an independent audit, no equal representation on the governing board, no Ottoman chairmanship, and no concrete commitment to restitution.
"They are still trying to control the narrative and the process," Cavit Bey fumed when he heard the details. "An 'internal Allied inquiry' is a guarantee of a whitewash! Two non-voting Deputy Directors? It is still tokenism! We must reject this out of hand and release more of the dossier!" Tevfik Pasha, however, counseled caution. "It is an improvement, Cavit Bey. They are offering up some of their own personnel, however junior. They are acknowledging the need for Ottoman involvement, however limited. This is a significant shift from their previous stance of absolute dictation. Perhaps it is a basis from which to negotiate further, rather than an outright rejection that might re-unite them against us, especially if Harington uses it as proof of our 'intransigence.'"
Murad listened to the debate. He then asked Reşid Akif, "What of General Harington? Was he party to this Franco-Italian proposal?" "Not directly in its formulation, I believe, Your Majesty," Reşid Akif replied. "Pellé implied that this was a 'Franco-Italian initiative to find a pragmatic solution,' which they hoped General Harington could be 'persuaded to accept in the interests of Allied unity and damage control.' They clearly intend to present it to him as a fait accompli from two of the three powers." "A dangerous game they play amongst themselves," Murad mused. "But it gives us an opening." He made his decision. "We will not accept this proposal as it stands, but nor will we reject it outright and immediately escalate by releasing more of the dossier. Instead, Reşid Akif Pasha, you will communicate to Pellé and Garroni – and instruct them to convey this to Harington – that while we acknowledge their revised offer as a step towards addressing our concerns, it remains insufficient on several key points: namely, the need for a truly independent forensic audit of all past accounts, genuine Ottoman co-management with voting rights on the Port Authority board, and a concrete, immediate improvement in revenue sharing, along with a clear mechanism for restitution of verifiably misappropriated funds." "We will propose," Murad continued, "the immediate formation of a working group, with equal Ottoman and Allied representation, including financial experts like Cavit Bey, to hammer out the details of these core requirements within, say, three days. If they agree to this working group and its clear mandate, we will hold off on any further public dissemination of evidence, pending the outcome of its deliberations. If they refuse, or if the working group fails to achieve a just result due to their obstruction, then all options remain on the table."
This was a masterstroke of diplomacy – acknowledging their move, maintaining pressure, proposing a constructive next step, and clearly defining Ottoman red lines, all while keeping the threat of the full dossier in reserve. It also subtly exploited the emerging divisions within the Allied camp. Reşid Akif Pasha and Tevfik Pasha both expressed their admiration for the Sultan's calibrated response. It was bold, yet offered the Allies a path to a settlement that they might just be desperate enough to take, given the fires now burning in their home capitals.
While these high-level diplomatic maneuvers were underway, other fronts were not neglected. Ferik Fevzi Pasha reported that the Hassa Ordusu now numbered nearly three thousand trained and armed men. "They are becoming a cohesive fighting force, Your Majesty," he said with pride. "Their discipline is excellent, their morale high. We have conducted discreet night patrols with them in the outer environs of Yıldız Palace and even some government districts, familiarizing them with the terrain and demonstrating our capability. The sight of disciplined, well-armed Ottoman soldiers, loyal to their Sultan, is having a… sobering effect on some of the more arrogant Allied patrols, and a heartening one on our own populace." Cavit Bey, armed with the Hatt-ı Hümayun, continued his push against tax evasion. Several more wealthy individuals, seeing the fate of Lazaros Effendi, had "voluntarily" come forward to settle their dues, bringing a much-needed, if small, trickle of funds into the depleted treasury. Each success chipped away at the entrenched corruption and the sense of immunity enjoyed by the privileged few.
Kolağası Esad Bey's intelligence directorate also brought crucial news. "Your Majesty," he reported late that evening, "my operatives monitoring the British High Commission confirm that General Harington was… apoplectic when Pellé and Garroni presented him with their 'Franco-Italian initiative' and the subsequent Ottoman counter-proposal for a working group. He initially refused to consider it. However, another urgent telegram arrived from London for him this afternoon. Its contents are unknown, but shortly thereafter, he very reluctantly agreed to a joint Allied meeting tomorrow morning to formulate a response to your government's latest position." "So, London is indeed tightening his leash," Murad observed. "The international scandal is proving to be a weapon more potent than even we had hoped." Esad Bey also added, "On the internal front, Your Majesty, the interrogations of Mahmud Bey's seditionist group are complete. They have implicated several other minor officials in Damat Ferid Pasha's network. More significantly, they confirmed that Monsieur Dubois, the French dragoman, provided them with specific anti-government propaganda themes and even funds for their printing press. This information has been passed to Reşid Akif Pasha." This would give the Foreign Minister more ammunition if needed against Pellé.
The day ended. The cracks in the Allied armor were undeniably widening. Their united front was fracturing under the twin pressures of international public opinion and internal Ottoman resolve. Murad's government had skillfully navigated from a position of extreme weakness to one where they were dictating the terms of negotiation on a key issue. The path ahead was still fraught with danger – Harington remained a threat, and the Allies still possessed overwhelming military force. But for the first time since his reincarnation, Murad felt the tide, however slowly, begin to turn. The game of diplomacy, backed by the threat of truth, was yielding results. The next few days would determine if this was a true shift, or merely a temporary reprieve before an even greater storm.